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Management and socio-economics of tsetse control
There are many meanings attached to the word “participation”, in the field of tsetse control as in development more generally. Confusingly it can apply to both contributions - in cash, kind or labour – of beneficiaries, or their input into decision-making. Several writers have viewed different sorts of participation as a spectrum, for example from “tolerating technology in their local area” to “making decisions on control methods, implementing and co-ordinating all activities” (Barrett and Okali 1998). But it might be more useful to think about the two dimensions of participation: contribution and decision-making.
In general, it is desirable for livestock-owners (and to a lesser extent others in tsetse-affected areas) to contribute to the costs of tsetse control, for two reasons:
Participation in decision-making by beneficiaries of development programmes
is both intrinsically desirable, and a way to ensure the sustainability
of user contributions.
A clear formulation of the objectives of tsetse control is necessary to determine the appropriate degree and nature of participation. Where tsetse control is seen as part of a national or large-scale eradication strategy, the costs of tsetse control in certain areas at the frontiers of control will grossly outweigh the local benefits. In such cases it will be unreasonable to expect communities to meet the full costs of control in the medium-term, but also unreasonable to allow their participation in decision-making to determine the design of the programme as a whole. A high degree of community participation is more likely to be appropriate in small-scale areas where the community and outside agencies can agree on an objective of tsetse suppression.
Even then there will be strong limits on participation. The design of tsetse control programmes involves minimum or threshold levels of inputs (e.g. density of targets, proportions of cattle to be treated, frequency of application). If inputs are made below these levels, control is likely to be ineffective, or effective at a level disproportionately low for the inputs made. These levels are objectively determined by factors such as the behaviour of tsetse fly and the persistence of attractants or insecticides. If “participation” is understood as allowing livestock-owners or their representatives to negotiate levels of inputs (explicitly, or implicitly by failing to buy or use inputs), effective control is unlikely to result.
What is therefore necessary is:
More specifically, Barrett and Okali (1998) list a number of factors that tend to increase the likelihood of participation through community institutions: previous experience of external assistance, actual or expected links with outside agencies, the preparedness of agencies to situate tsetse control within broader developmental objectives, as well as perceived benefits to human health. Incentives to individuals to participate include the possibility of more productive livestock (which relates closely to the current costs of living with trypanosomiasis), but also the possibilities of more land, a fly-free environment, or benefits to human health.
Participation can also be achieved through different institutions: “traditional” village institutions, village development committees set up by government initiative or by other programmes, or dedicated “tsetse committees”. All these may have their advantages and disadvantages in different situations.
Barrett, K. and Okali, C. (1998). Partnerships for Tsetse Control – Community Participation and Other Options. World Animal Review 90, 39-46.
Brightwell, B., Dransfield, B., Maudlin, I., Stevenson, P., and Shaw, A. (2001). Reality v. Rhetoric – a Survey and Evaluation of Tsetse Control in East Africa. Agriculture and Human Values 18, 219-233.
Kamuanga, M. (2003). Socio-Economic and Cultural Factors in the research
and Control of Trypanosomiasis. PAAT Technical and Scientific Series
4, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations,